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Tuesday, January 6, 2009


Brown voices Gaza ceasefire hopes

Brown: "This is the darkest moment yet for the Middle East"

Gordon Brown has said he is hopeful a basis for a truce in Gaza will be found - but called recent events the "darkest moment yet for the Middle East".

He said a ceasefire must mean an end to rocket attacks and Israeli troops in Gaza, as well as stopping weapons being smuggled into Gaza by tunnels.

The prime minister said he had put forward proposals which he believed could help achieve a ceasefire.

He spoke after Israeli shelling caused scores of casualties at a Gaza school.

UN officials said at least 30 people died and 55 were injured.

I am hopeful that the basis on which an immediate ceasefire can take place can be found
Gordon Brown

Mr Brown said any sustainable ceasefire would have to ensure security for both Israelis and Palestinians.

"This is a humanitarian crisis. This is the darkest moment yet for the Middle East and it affects the whole of the world," he said.

"It's because of that that we must get humanitarian aid that we are promising in."

He said he had spoken to the leaders of a number of countries - including Egypt and Turkey - and had put forward proposals, which, he believed, could help achieve a ceasefire.

Diplomatic efforts

"I am hopeful that the basis on which an immediate ceasefire can take place can be found," he said.

But he added: "It is not possible to see a solution to this without some kind of international engagement that will protect the security of the Israeli people and will create the viability for open borders to be given to the Palestinian area in Gaza."

For the Conservatives, William Hague called for an immediate end to rocket attacks by Hamas and said it was not in Israel's interests to continue a lengthy operation as it would damage the prospect of wider peace in the Middle East.

Foreign Secretary David Milliband's reaction to UN school strike

"The only long-term solution is a negotiated two-state agreement that achieves a viable and secure Palestinian state living alongside a secure Israel with her right to live in peace and security recognised by all her neighbours," he said.

Lib Dem leader Nick Clegg has criticised the EU for its "weak" reaction and said member states should have threatened to sever trade links with Israel if the bombardment continued.

Diplomatic efforts to try to end the violence continue. French President Nicolas Sarkozy said he had asked his Syrian counterpart, Bashar al-Assad, to help convince Hamas to co-operate with efforts to end the Israeli offensive.

US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice is to hold talks in New York with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, who is at the UN with several Arab foreign ministers to lobby for a ceasefire.

Palestinian medical sources say up to 600 people have been killed since the Israeli assault began ten days ago, in a bid to stop Hamas militants firing rockets into southern Israel.

Four Israeli civilians have been killed by rocket fire from the Gaza Strip in that period.

And five Israeli soldiers have died, four in a so-called "friendly fire" incident.

Israel says its offensive is stopping militants firing rockets, but at least five hit southern Israel on Tuesday, with one reaching the town of Gedera, about 40km (25 miles) from Gaza, and injuring a baby.

A number of children were among those who died when Israeli artillery shells landed outside the UN-run school in Gaza, doctors at nearby hospitals said.

An Israeli military spokesman said that, according to initial checks, its soldiers had come under mortar fire from militants inside the school.

"In response, the forces fired a number of mortar rounds into the area," he told the Reuters news agency.

Asked about the shelling of the school, UK Foreign Secretary David Miliband said: "I've just landed in New York and been told of the terrible, shocking news of 30 further civilian deaths in a UN school.

"I think that this devastating news underlines the need for the immediate ceasefire that the prime minister and I have been calling for."

Sunday, June 24, 2007

ATHENS, Alabama (Reuters) -- President Bush Thursday said U.S. utilities could build up to 30 new nuclear power plants and could start construction by 2010 in order to keep up with growing electricity demand without spurring more global warming.

"It's time for the country to start building nuclear power plants again," Bush said at the Browns Ferry nuclear plant near Huntsville, Alabama, which is operated by the federally owned Tennessee Valley Authority.

ATHENS, Alabama (Reuters) -- President Bush Thursday said U.S. utilities could build up to 30 new nuclear power plants and could start construction by 2010 in order to keep up with growing electricity demand without spurring more global warming.

"It's time for the country to start building nuclear power plants again," Bush said at the Browns Ferry nuclear plant near Huntsville, Alabama, which is operated by the federally owned Tennessee Valley Authority.

Trade-offs and global warming

Bush said the Nuclear Regulatory Commission will likely get 20 applications from utilities to build up to 30 new reactors and said construction could begin by the end of the decade. No new licenses have been filed at the NRC since 1973.

"We're beginning to make some progress," Bush said, prodding the NRC to act on the applications. "That's good news for the American consumer."

It was Bush's third visit to a nuclear power plant since June 2005.

The United States will need three new nuclear power plants to come online each year starting in 2015 to keep pace with soaring electricity demand, Bush said.

Renewable energy could power half the nation

He said nuclear power plants are well suited to feed future power needs because they do not emit the heat-trapping greenhouse gases that are produced by power plants that run on coal.

"There can be no solution [to global warming] without nuclear power," Bush said.

The nation's 104 nuclear plants currently account for about 20 percent of U.S. power generation.

Bush spoke to TVA employees after receiving a tour of the 1,150-megawatt Unit 1 of the Browns Ferry nuclear plant, which reopened last month after being shuttered for 22 years.

Trade-offs and global warming

Bush said the Nuclear Regulatory Commission will likely get 20 applications from utilities to build up to 30 new reactors and said construction could begin by the end of the decade. No new licenses have been filed at the NRC since 1973.

"We're beginning to make some progress," Bush said, prodding the NRC to act on the applications. "That's good news for the American consumer."

It was Bush's third visit to a nuclear power plant since June 2005.

The United States will need three new nuclear power plants to come online each year starting in 2015 to keep pace with soaring electricity demand, Bush said.

Renewable energy could power half the nation

He said nuclear power plants are well suited to feed future power needs because they do not emit the heat-trapping greenhouse gases that are produced by power plants that run on coal.

"There can be no solution [to global warming] without nuclear power," Bush said.

The nation's 104 nuclear plants currently account for about 20 percent of U.S. power generation.

Bush spoke to TVA employees after receiving a tour of the 1,150-megawatt Unit 1 of the Browns Ferry nuclear plant, which reopened last month after being shuttered for 22 years.

Saturday, June 23, 2007

AT&T READY TO RUN, NOWHERE TO HIDE

SITTING IN HIS OFFICE on a frozen morning at the end of a very long winter, AT&T CEO Robert Allen bears the oppressed demeanor of a character in a Kafka story--perhaps because the press and the body politic have lately been treating him as if he'd turned into a giant insect. The worst blow in the recent public pasting he has endured landed when Newsweek branded him a "corporate killer" for cutting 40,000 jobs while collecting a huge bonus. Now the company's new annual report reveals just how much he lost on the takeover and coming disgorgement of computer maker NCR, which, despite AT&T's efforts to digest it, will have passed through Ma Bell like a large stone through a goose. In response, he is struggling to mount a PR counteroffensive, with full-page ads appealing to companies to hire the well-trained people he just laid off. "I've been better," Allen says in a voice even softer than his usual pianissimo.

The pressure comes at a pivotal moment for both Allen and the 120-year-old corporation that he runs, as AT&T prepares to split itself in three. The biggest piece--the one that will continue to wear the AT&T nameplate--is mainly a long-distance company today. And the job it faces is daunting: nothing less than redefining what a communications company does. As president and chief operating officer Alex Mandl says, with unusual understatement: "Therein lies the excitement of the new AT&T."

Therein also lies the risk. While the company's ambitious plan is simple enough in concept, it will be devilishly hard to pull off. After the trivestiture is completed early next year, the long-distance business will still be AT&T's crown jewel, and the company will seek to keep its setting polished and sound. But lest its diamond turn into a cubic zirconium, AT&T must quickly nurture a host of new, fast-growing businesses to help it meet three critical goals: generating cash, locking in long-distance customers, and restoring a direct link into people's houses--a link that was lost when the Baby Bells became the owner of the telephone line into the home in 1984.

So starting this year, AT&T will reenter the local phone business in all 50 states. It will push to finish building its wireless network, the most extensive in the U.S. It will hook up computer users to the Internet. And it will market digital satellite TV. It will sell these services in bundles, giving a greater discount the more a customer buys, and will rely on the power of its brand name to lock in long-distance users before newcomers poach them.

The extent to which AT&T is counting on these new services is startling. Mandl says that a decade from now, businesses other than long distance will account for over 50% of total revenues. That means services from which AT&T earned not a cent 18 months ago would account for over 80% of future revenue growth. Mandl also wants AT&T to achieve a double-digit growth rate over this ten-year period, a far faster pace than the old AT&T has managed. In all, sales for the new AT&T would swell from $51 billion last year to around $130 billion in 2005. Telecom analyst William Deatherage of Bear Stearns says, "That's clearly what they have to do, and it is attainable. It's all in the execution."

The metamorphosis of AT&T became urgent with the passage of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which will break down the barriers between telecom's separate fiefdoms. When this happens, the industry will unbundle in the same way the computer business did when IBM's hegemony was broken in the early 1980s, and unleash, among other things, lower margins, higher volumes, and stiffer competition. Compared with what's ahead, today's long-distance wars will seem like a game of croquet on a manicured lawn.

To thrive, the new AT&T will have to perform a lot better than the old AT&T. The company's latest annual report offers, for the first time, separate results for what will soon be three new companies--NCR, the computer company; Lucent Technologies, the telephone equipment manufacturer; and the new AT&T, which will include the cellular-phone and credit-card businesses in addition to long distance. That breakout underlines the extent of the company's dependence on long-distance income. Over the past three years, NCR toted up losses of $2.8 billion; the equipment company delivered only $630 million in operating income, including $2.8 billion in restructuring and other charges last year. By comparison, the communications company racked up $19.7 billion in operating profits.

Think of it this way: The new AT&T is putting itself on the line. It will have neither the security of being leader of a cozy long-distance oligopoly nor the excuse of those weaker hardware units to blame for slow growth or a slumping share price. As general counsel John Zeglis puts it, "There's no place to hide, no cash cow to cover current mistakes and wait for a long-term payoff. We have to do it right and do it fast. It's a jolt, the back against the wall."

Zeglis is one of the four men of a stripped-down chairman's office that will steer the new AT&T. He and Allen are old Bellheads; the other two members are Mandl, the suave and forceful chief operating officer and a former head of shipping giant Sea-Land Service, and chief financial officer Richard Miller, a veteran of corporate restructurings at Penn Central, RCA, and Wang. This quadrumvirate supersedes a 15-person executive committee that often took weeks or months to make decisions that could have been settled in hours.

That structure clearly had to change. Indeed, if the company's historical edge was size--the unmatched scope and scale of its long-distance network--speed may hold the key to its future. The new AT&T can't afford prolonged deliberations as it tries to respond quickly to varied demands from more knowledgeable customers, to trends in technology, to curve balls from regulators, and above all, to the gambits of its many new competitors.

Chief among them are the Baby Bells, who have one huge edge: They own the wires that snake into every household, making it technically easier for them to offer a wider range of services more quickly. AT&T will try to keep them out of its water for as long as possible by drawing them into the still vast Sargasso Sea of regulatory Washington. The new telecom act, which lays out a checklist that the Bells must satisfy before they can enter the long-distance business, is a monument to ambiguity. Expect to find AT&T's legal department splitting more hairs than Sweeney Todd.

Zeglis will wield the legal scalpel. Boyish and earnest, Zeglis composes palindromes--phrases that read the same backwards or forwards--in his spare time ("Sit on a potato pan, Otis," was one he shared in a recent interview. "Star comedy by Democrats," he added, as if to explain). While he freshens the air around AT&T, his effect on the Baby Bells may be more purgative than tonic. Zeglis will likely challenge them every time they file for permission to carry long-distance service in a new state. He will also defend AT&T against Baby Bell counterattacks. In the latest of many lawsuits, Bell Atlantic, his most persistent gadfly, is seeking $3.5 billion in damages, alleging that AT&T refused to make phone switches that can plug-and-play with ones made by other manufacturers. Palindromes fail Zeglis when he is asked about Bell Atlantic. He says: "Almost no words of profanity work both backwards and forwards."

His animus will likely swell. The fate of the new AT&T hinges on how successfully it reenters the $90-billion-a-year local phone business. Bob Allen's audacious aim is to claim a third of that market in five to ten years--thus accounting for $30 billion of the $80 billion in new revenue the company wants by 2005. While the Bells maintain that state regulators keep prices so low that they make no profit on basic local service, they aren't about to give up the business without a fight. By owning the local customer, the Baby Bells and other local providers like GTE tap into two lucrative money streams: toll charges for middle-distance calls, as between a city and its suburbs, which bring in around $15 billion a year; and access fees paid by AT&T, MCI, and Sprint for delivering long-distance calls to local customers, which raises another $32 billion.

The appeal to AT&T is obvious. Signing up local customers means avoiding access fees, which siphon off as much as 45% of the money it collects for a given long-distance call. What is more, the health of AT&T's biggest business may depend on the local foray. Says Joseph Nacchio, who runs the residential long-distance business and will carry AT&T's flag into the local market: "Two-thirds of the people we survey say they will buy local and long-distance service from the same provider." In other words, AT&T feels that to keep its long-distance customers, it has to sign them up for local service too.

AT&T's biggest problem is that it can't afford to replicate the Baby Bells' plant--phone lines, switching centers, and the like--in most local markets it wants to enter. No one can. So it has to rent space on somebody else's network. But which somebody? Cable TV systems won't be able to carry lots of phone calls for a while. Bypass companies like Teleport Communications Group and MFS Telecom are beefing up local fiber-optic lines but for the most part don't stretch their tendrils into residential neighborhoods. That leaves the Baby Bells as wholesaler of first resort.

And that is a headache. The Bells are in no hurry to offer AT&T the wholesale discounts it is seeking--25% or more. A potential deal to rent hundreds of thousands of local lines from Ameritech, the Baby Bell headquartered in Chicago, has meandered at a stately pace since the middle of last year. AT&T accuses Ameritech of foot-dragging. Ameritech fires back that AT&T is to blame. In a recent interview, Ameritech CEO Richard Notebaert's face grows ruddy with chagrin. "Nothing will happen until AT&T gets its act together," he says. "They must be in disarray. We're dealing with their third negotiating team." He throws his hands up in disgust. "I'm sure they'll straighten it out, but they've got a problem."

"When you do something the first time, you don't do it perfectly," Mandl admits. "It may not have been the effort we would have liked. But I would say to Mr. Notebaert that Ameritech wasn't perfect either."

AT&T can only hope that the company's expansion of its wireless business goes more smoothly. Mandl says the company looks to build revenues from $3 billion last year to $20 billion by 2005.

This is one arena in which AT&T's mass should still confer an advantage. The number of cellular providers could triple in the next few years, with the newcomers competing madly to woo customers from the incumbents. As a result, churn, or the rate that customers switch providers, will soar. Profit margins will head in the opposite direction, since cellular companies bribe new customers by giving away free phones, and since new customers tend to spend less than old ones, according to the Yankee Group, a Boston research firm. If AT&T can entice enough customers to buy both cellular and long-distance service, it could tolerate a lower margin than most of its wireless rivals.

Freedom from the other arms of AT&T will at least make the wireless unit more nimble. Steve Hooper, AT&T's wireless chief, is nearly as happy about the spinoff of Lucent as the people who work at the equipment maker (see box). Shortly after AT&T assumed ownership of McCaw in 1994, the wireless unit decided against using AT&T gear to build a cellular system in India. Hooper says: "We had to spend a lot of time with Alex. I'm sure he had to take the heat. It put everyone in an uncomfortable environment back in Basking Ridge." And wasted a lot of time.

The experience of integrating McCaw with AT&T may have taught Mandl and others a thing or two about the need to act with alacrity. Two recent moves into new businesses--the company's latest Internet offering and its purchase of a slice of DirecTv, a satellite TV service--caught the industry by surprise.

AT&T's Internet play comes in the wake of some false starts with online services that disappeared in about the time it takes to boot up a computer. The new service, though, is a deft bid that may transform the online industry while helping to protect AT&T's long-distance revenue. AT&T will give its long-distance customers five hours of free Internet access every month for a year, or $5 off the monthly rate for unlimited use. Daniel Briere, president of TeleChoice, a Verona, New Jersey, consulting firm, believes AT&T will turn people into net surfers by the millions. "AT&T will suck them all in," he says. "It's going to do what no one else in the industry could." But the transformation won't happen overnight; swamped by demand following its February 27 announcement, the company had to remind customers that it was going to phase in the service over several months.

AT&T also plans to use the Internet to offer new services to its business customers, especially those with 800 numbers, and make it easier for them to keep shop on the World Wide Web. AT&T will help virtual shopkeepers process orders and will guarantee the safety of purchases made by users of its Universal Card. Internet commerce is tiny, for now: Last year, according to Jupiter Communications, a New York research firm, sales on the Web totaled only $132 million. But AT&T likes the idea of getting a piece of every transaction on a more consumer-friendly Web. As Mandl sees it, online services will bring in 10% of AT&T's revenues by 2005, or about $13 billion a year.

If electronic commerce really takes off, it could help AT&T achieve its most ambitious goal: transcending the traditional telephone business. Says John Petrillo, the head of corporate strategy: "People who see this as a win-lose game between us and the Baby Bells are missing the point." Petrillo sees the telecommunications pie growing bigger and bigger, at the expense of other industries, like, say, transportation. He believes this shift portends a day when goods such as books are shipped around the country electronically and published in many places, rather than printed centrally, shipped, and warehoused. "We will rip the economic surplus out of transport," he says. That's a pretty lofty, not to mention long-term, mission.

AT&T's DirecTv deal, by contrast, smacks much more of the here and now. It rounds out AT&T's portfolio with a touch of Hollywood. The highly popular service, owned by GM's Hughes Electronics division, beams cable TV and sports programming to owners of 18-inch dishes. AT&T bought 2.5% of the company for $138 million and has an option to buy more later. It will market the service through its long-distance division and offer discounts to subscribers who take both.

AT&T executives took only three days to approve the deal. CFO Miller says, "In the old structure it would have taken weeks. We would have had meetings with people from every division asking what it meant for their business."

Despite its newfound speediness, AT&T still has to prove it can cultivate new businesses. Today Alex Mandl may swear that the company's latest Internet vision isn't just another mirage, but a year ago he was lauding AT&T Interchange, a proprietary online service that's now history. So is Network Notes, a work-sharing software service developed in partnership with Lotus. A host of other investments in small outfits like EO and General Magic never really panned out either. All in all, a spotty record for a company setting out to find $65 billion in revenues from businesses it is just entering.

Bell Atlantic Chairman Ray Smith, a veteran of the original breakup, thinks his old employer and new competitor is still at sea. "People inside AT&T are really confused now," he says. "We were not confused in 1983 and 1984. We weren't right. But we were not confused."

To put confusion behind and matters of substance ahead, CFO Miller intends to be done with the restructuring as soon as possible. Miller took Penn Central through bankruptcy, reorganized Wang, and merged GE's consumer electronics business with RCA's. "I've been involved with some restructurings that have gone on for a good deal of time," he says. "Employee morale gets worse the longer they take. Customers want to see finished plans."

But will AT&T's newest split-up really be different from the last one, which dragged on for years? When the recent layoffs were announced, much was made of the huge size of AT&T's central staff, which included between 800 and 900 public relations people. So how many will be left in the three new companies after the cuts? Between 700 and 800.

The list of unanswered questions extends to AT&T's executive wing. Who will be running this new show? After Allen announced the trivestiture last September, he said he would spend the next year managing the split while Alex Mandl ran the future AT&T. Many onlookers assumed that after guiding the company into the promised land of independence, Allen would retire to the links, leaving AT&T to Mandl, the heir apparent ever since he took the reins of the communications division in 1993.

Mandl, 52, is a man of supreme self-confidence and the sort of flashy, urbane European charm that would make for a good James Bond villain. As it happens, he bears a passing resemblance to the actor Klaus Maria Brandauer, who did play a Bond villain and who, like Mandl, was born in Austria during World War II. One imagines that Mandl must be champing at the bit.

But his ascendance won't happen quite as soon as people imagined. Allen now asserts that he will retire only when he turns 65 in the year 2000. "I have no plans to do anything else," he says. "We're in such a critical stage. I can be in a good position to make key strategic decisions."

That would seem to mean less authority for Mandl. As COO of the new AT&T, he will be responsible for pretty much the same range of businesses that he is now. Yet the man he is reporting to would suddenly have a narrower focus--the same span of control as Mandl, rather than the overarching purview of the soon-to-be-sundered empire.

In fact, the arrangement may work out just fine. In his operating capacity, Mandl at least sounds as if he's running the company. He has his own ten-year master plan, which formed the basis for much of his discussion with FORTUNE. (The plan is also codified in a document someone leaked to New York magazine for use in a story Mandl calls "an absolute piece of shit.") And he sounds as if he appreciates Allen's presence in Basking Ridge. "I've got my plate full," Mandl says. "I welcome all the help I can get."

Allen's laid-back manner and lack of hubris could make him amenable to Mandl's activist role. Their division of labor stands out in sharp relief in the way they talk about AT&T's future, with Mandl describing the fine brushwork of strategy, Allen speaking in broad strokes. In a way, Mandl will be prime minister to Allen's monarch. Just like in Europe.

AS HEAD OF STATE, Allen is the one who bears the brunt of the invective aimed at AT&T. The day after the "corporate killer" article appeared on the cover of Newsweek, he was visibly distraught. And he has recently been lambasted, in the pages of this magazine and the Wall Street Journal, for the dismal failure of NCR. Yet his decision to stick around till retirement fits with his temperament. His ties to the company are long and deep. His one display of alarm in an interview is over an erroneous report that he had sold most of his AT&T shares. He did sell some recently, but only enough to pay taxes on stock options he had to exercise before they expired. "Other than that, the only AT&T shares I have ever sold were to buy my first house in 1961," he says. "I sold 20 shares. I was so poor that my former girlfriend's brother sold them at no commission. He knew I didn't have a pot to piss in."

He falters over the penultimate word of the last sentence. It's the sort of remark you'd expect to hear from Mandl. Perhaps his younger colleague has helped Allen develop an edge. Perhaps Allen will temper Mandl's brash nature. If the two find the right chemistry, they may help AT&T weather the years ahead better than it has the past few.

Monday, June 18, 2007

The wizards of ozone

How do you know when environmentalism has really gone mainstream? When the leaders of some of the nation's dirtiest industries -- auto, oil, power and coal -- start playing the green card.
Take the oil industry. Giants like ConocoPhillips, Shell and BP America just did what was once unthinkable: they joined calls for federal legislation requiring reductions in greenhouse gas emissions.
NRDC president Frances Beinecke says when a giant like Wal-Mart embraces climate-friendly practices, the impact on other businesses is significant.

Video

The famous New York skyline is changing for the better. Some of the newest skyscrapers are scrapping conventional building techniques for greener, enviromentally friendly alternatives.

David Hawkins, climate center director for the Natural Resources Defense Council, first noticed a change in corporate America's attitude toward the environment about two years ago. He attributes it to the intense pressures -- public, regulatory, and competitive -- on companies to go green.
But credit for the new mindset also goes to the NRDC.

Since its founding in 1970 by John Adams, the NRDC has evolved from what was essentially a small environmental law firm into one of the country's biggest advocates for new state, federal and foreign policies and laws aimed at weaning consumers worldwide off their oil dependence -- and combating global warming.
"They are a tremendous influence" on the environmental movement, says Andrew Ruben, vice president of strategy and sustainability at Wal-Mart, which is working with the NRDC on a variety of eco-friendly initiatives. "The staff has an incredible knowledge base and they help us understand where the opportunities and better solutions exist."
Today the NRDC has more than 1.3 million supporters, a nearly fourfold increase since 2000, and an annual budget of about $70 million, mostly derived from membership fees and private contributions. With 300 employees, the agency's reach is global: it recently opened an office in China, one of the world's largest emitters of greenhouse gases.
Despite its size, the NRDC certainly has its planet-saving work cut out for it. The good news is, companies increasingly turn to the agency for advice on climate-friendly policies and the prospect of future regulation.

A political odd couple tackles Social Security

Picture this: A rotund, theatrical politician from Harlem and a wiry, introverted policy-wonk from Shreveport sitting elbow to elbow on the House floor, shuffling between each other's offices, passing paper between staffs. Two men from opposite ends of the political spectrum, they are joined in secrecy on a project that just about everyone else in Washington considers doomed to failure. Charlie Rangel and Jim McCrery are on a mission to rescue Social Security from bankruptcy.
Conventional Washington wisdom long ago wrote the death notice on Social Security reform. What Republican would want to touch a project that blew up in George Bush's face just two years ago? What Democrat would risk frightening senior citizens when party leaders are hoping they'll be passing out tickets for Inaugural Day, 2009?

But McCrery, a conservative, and Rangel, a liberal, are willing to take the heat because they actually believe in the old-fashioned notion that if lawmakers offer serious solutions to serious problems, Congress' miserably low standing in public opinion doesn't have to be permanent. "I think it's important for the institution to reform Social Security," McCrery tells Fortune. "The public's opinion of the federal government right now is as low as it's ever been in my lifetime. And that's dangerous, because we have big problems to solve. And if we don't have political capital with the public, we can't solve those problems. We need public support to solve Social Security, Medicaid, Medicare, healthcare." "Social Security is the easiest one, so let's start there," he adds. "Let's build some capital and show we can work together, and get big things done."
The Rangel-McCrery conspiracy matters only because these two men are, respectively, the Democratic chairman and the ranking GOP member of the powerful House Ways and Means Committee, ground zero for matters ranging from tax and trade policy to entitlement reform. Quietly, and over the course of the past three months, the two men have been meeting alone and with staff to hammer out a compromise plan. "We're not there yet," says Rangel, even as he makes clear - as a self-described "old poker player from Harlem" - that he's betting on a breakthrough.

"It's a long shot," concedes McCrery. "But somebody's got to work this out. No matter how politically intractable it is, this problem is not going to go away. It's going to be there, so there's got to be a solution."
That's not the kind of talk heard much these days on Capitol Hill, where a bunker mentality still pervades, despite Democratic pledges after taking control in January to reverse the bitter tides of partisan warfare. The name-calling extends beyond hot issues like the Iraq war: This week Republicans dismissed as "laughable" a report by Democratic leaders asserting they are running the House more fairly than the Republicans did.
Given that atmosphere, it's pretty stunning that Rangel and McCrery would even be in discussions on an issue as divisive as Social Security reform. And like the 1980s image of Ronald Reagan and Tip O'Neill swapping jokes and sipping cocktails, it's hard to find two more contrasting personalities. Rangel - the fatherless high school dropout and Korean War hero "with a gift for living by my wits" - is an old-school pol with a hearty laugh and a deck full of jokes. McCrery, whose district is a white-collar north Louisiana, is quiet and intense, a lawmaker known for his grasp of policy nuance but still eloquent in describing the big picture.
But both of these lawyer-lawmakers have little patience for the politics of revenge. Rangel is a staunch liberal who nevertheless writes in his new book: "There are still a lot of young Democratic members who want to get even" with Republicans for their heavy-handed leadership of Congress. "But getting 'even' means they will not be getting anything done." At age 76, Charlie Rangel - who has waited 36 years to be chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee - wants to get something done, something big.
And in McCrery, Rangel has found someone he can do business with. The pair was at the center of a delicate dance over trade, which ended with a historic agreement last month to bring centrist Democrats to the free trade table when Republicans acceded to long-held demands on labor and environmental standards. "Both men were able to work very hard on this trade issue. That agreement bodes well for other issues, including Social Security," said California GOP Rep. David Dreier, ranking Republican on the House Rules Committee.
Says McCrery: "This whole exercise that Chairman Rangel and I have gone through to build a level of trust is critical for us to move forward on things like Social Security. We now have a level of trust with each other that should allow us to frankly explore all the options for solving this problem."

Neither man is willing to disclose details on those options. All they have to do is look across the Capitol at the left-right torpedoes being launched at the bipartisan immigration bill to understand what dangerous waters they are treading in. (On Thursday, a motion to cut off debate on the bill fell 15 votes short, putting the future of the bipartisan motion in serious doubt.) "It's been very quiet and it's going to stay that way," McCrery says of the proposals they are discussing.
One thing that is clear: the Bush White House will not play a big role, if any, in this effort. "McCrery and I know that we don't need the President to revive Social Security reform," Rangel says, pointedly. "The President is locked into private accounts and that ain't gonna fly," says Rangel. "[Reform] is going cost a trillion dollars; it's a political problem we have. You can have all the bipartisan cooperation you want, but if you don't find someone who's going to pay for it, you're not going to do it."
That sounds like a tax increase - the solution that touches off conservative outrage the same way that Bush's plan for private accounts sent liberals on the warpath. "You could reorganize the tax system, raise revenue by reforming the system," Rangel says, but quickly adds, "we're not there yet."
There are plenty of skeptics who doubt the pair can thread the needle between conservative objections to tax hikes, liberal objections to private accounts, and citizen objections to reducing the scope and timing of benefits. But none of that has dissuaded either man. "To me it's a no-brainer, it's got to be done," says McCrery. "We can't stick our heads in the sand and then hope ten years from now it'll go away. It will only be worse. So let's get after it."